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Dr. Walid Phares
US Should Encourage Democracy in Africa; Counter the
Wahhabis
July 27, 2009
Another issue raised by President Barack Obama during his July 11 speech
at Accra is the “relative” notion of democracy. In contrast with the
previous administration’s call for a US-backing for the “spread of
democracy,” Obama underlined that “America will not seek to impose any
system of government on any other nation. The essential truth of
democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny.”
In fact, the difference between the previous and the current US approach
is not about the “role,” as no one in Washington’s government has had
any project to “impose” democracy, or specific institutions. The George
W. Bush approach tried to say that all nations yearn for democracy and
freedom with the same intensity, if given the opportunity.
The Obama approach says the same about the ultimate quest but recommends
stirring away from fermenting, inciting, or pushing for it. He said:
“Each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with
its own traditions.”
This last word, “traditions,” is the narrow window used by the
anti-democracy forces, including authoritarian regimes and Islamist
movements to keep the free world at bay. If America should not impose
“its own” democratic system, can it stay neutral when oppressive regimes
and forces impose their “own repressive” systems?
Apparently not since the US and other democracies have stood firmly
against the Apartheid regime in South Africa, the Mugabe regime in
Zimbabwe, and Madagascar’s coups. But the US remains silent towards
Kadhafi’s suppression and hesitates to back democratic forces in many
spots of the continent. Obama offered an abstract description of obvious
realities: “History offers a clear verdict: governments that respect the
will of their own people, that govern by consent and not coercion, are
more prosperous, they are more stable and more successful than
governments that do not.”
The question is how to identify the “will” of these people if you don’t
provide them with the tools of expression, including your own
declaration of support? But if you do offer that needed extra push, it
would be labeled “meddling” in other countries’ domestic affairs.
As US policy towards Africa seems to avoid clearly recognizing the
strategic threats and the ideological root of terrorism, hesitating to
strike back at the perpetrators of genocide, shying away from supporting
democracy movements, and acting as if slavery was eradicated, one would
think that at least on the ground of basic human rights, Washington
would catch up with all the above shortcomings. Not so. In Accra, the
president said: “In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international
system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and
violations of those rights are opposed. And that must include a
commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to
sanction and stop those who don't, and to help those who have suffered.”
Let’s check it out. Women’s rights are universal yet the treatment of
women in many African countries member of the OIC including Sudan,
Somalia, and among the blacks of Mauritania is seen as part of “local
traditions” and will be given time to “evolve.” Ethnic and religious
minorities are protected by the Universal Declaration yet mass scale
breaches in African states affiliated with the Arab League or the OIC
are not addressed for fear of “meddling.”
The Muslim Berbers of Algeria’s Kabyles, the Christian Copts of Egypt,
the Nilotic tribes of southern Sudan, are located within the sphere of
the “we can’t talk about it.” On one continent, human rights abuses are
denounced only if the victims are outside the house of the big boys,
shielded by the oil cartel of the greater Middle East.
Strategic clarity in this new era of globalization is unavoidable. And
clarity has to be bold when addressing serious and future shaping
matters. Obama gladly clarified what AFRICOM is for: “Our Africa Command
is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on
confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America,
Africa, and the world.”
Fair enough, in response to the jihadist propaganda disseminated by the
petrodollars-funded networks, Africans must learn from the president of
the United States that the American people have consented to offer
economic and military aid to their continent against the gigantic power
of the oil cartel and its regimes and ideologies.
To counter the effects of millions of dollars spent in the Sahel and the
Horn to spread “extremism” and intolerance, the arch modern armament
acquired by authoritarian regimes committing ethnic cleansing such as
Sudan’s and Libya’s, and the grand designs of the Iranian Navy and the
Somali pirates in the Red Sea and east Africa, it is all logical that
the international community and the United States stand by the weakest
to defend its liberties.
The Accra
speech, as previous deliveries overseas, is powerful in its oral style
but it would have been much more historic had it unleashed more daring
truths and not ignored the underdogs of Africa we need to protect.
About Dr. Walid Phares
Dr. Walid Phares is the Director of Future Terrorism
Project at the Foundation for the
Defense of
Democracies in Washington, a visiting scholar at the European Foundation
for Democracy and the author of the War of Ideas. Dr. Phares was one of the
architects of UNSCR 1559. He is also a Professor of Middle East
Studies at Florida Atlantic University and a contributing expert to FOX News.
Dr. Phares teaches Global Strategies at the National Defense
University. He serves as the secretary general of the
Transatlantic Parliamentary Group on Counter Terrorism. Professor Phares’
is the author of two critical books on the Islamofascist threat to Western
Civilization, “Future Jihad: Terrorist Strategies against the West ”
and "The War of Ideas: Jihadism
Against Democracy." |