About Mark Silverberg Mark Silverberg is an attorney
with a Masters Degree in Political Science and International
Relations from the University of Manitoba, Canada. A former
member of the Canadian Justice Department and a past Director of
the Canadian Jewish Congress (Western Office) based in
Vancouver, he served as a Consultant to the Secretary General of
the Jewish Agency in Jerusalem during the first Palestinian
intifada. He is a member of Hadassah's National Academic
Advisory Board, a foreign policy analyst with the Ariel Center
for Policy Research (Israel) and the International Analyst
Network (U.S.), and has been interviewed on Israel National
Radio as an authority on American foreign policy in the Middle
East. His editorials and articles on Middle East affairs have
appeared in the Hebrew and English editions of the NATIV Journal
of the Ariel Center for Policy Research (Israel), American
Thinker, Israel Insider, the Conservative Voice, Israel Unity
Coalition, Midstream and Outpost magazines and Arutz Sheva
(Israel National News). He has lectured extensively on subjects
of counterterrorism, jihadism, homeland security issues and
intelligence matters and is a Featured Writer with the New Media
Journal
(Chicago) and a Contributing Editor for Family Security Matters.
He is the author of "The Quartermasters of Terror: Saudi Arabia
and the Global Islamic Jihad (Wyndham Hall Press, 2005).
With a new
President assuming control of Middle East policy, Israeli forces
withdrawing from Gaza, and the Europeans and the Egyptians discussing
ways and means to restrict Hamas’s ability to re-arm through the
Philadephi corridor bordering Egypt, there is rising optimism in
Washington diplomatic circles that such actions will preempt future
conflicts between the Israelis and the Palestinians in Gaza.
Scant
attention, however, is being paid to the continuing role the UN is
playing in sowing the seeds of future discord. Separate and apart from
the strategic error of leaving Hamas’s missile launching capability
intact in the wake of the conflict, a far greater problem continues to
fester in Gaza – a problem which, if not resolved, will inevitably lead
to future conflicts.
During the
recent Israeli-Hamas War, twenty-one Palestinians were killed in an IDF
attack on a Hamas terror cell that was firing mortars at Israeli forces
from in or near a
UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA)
school in Jabalya. But omitted from the scorn heaped on Israel was the
fact that UNRWA, despite its denials, has a long history of allowing its
ambulances, schools and other facilities to be used by terrorist groups.
In May 2008, Reuters reported that Awad al-Qiq, a Palestinian
Islamic Jihad rocket engineer, had been serving as a science teacher
and deputy headmaster at the Rafah Prep Boys School, run by UNRWA. By
day al-Qiq was an academic; by night, he was a bomb-maker. Al-Qiq was
killed in an Israeli air strike while supervising a factory assembling
missiles and other weapons for use against Israel – a factory located
just a short distance from the school.
Earlier, on April 25, 2007 the UNRWA representative in New York,
Andrew Whitley, revealed to congressional staff that UNRWA had provided
cash assistance to the families of Palestinian suicide bombers.
And these are not isolated instances.
In May, 2004, armed
Palestinians
were filmed using UNRWA ambulances to transport terrorists and possibly
the remains of fallen Israeli soldiers in Gaza.
In September 2003, after an Israeli military court convicted three UNRWA
employees for terrorist activities including throwing firebombs at a
public bus, Israel detained at least sixteen other UNRWA staff members
for various security-related matters.
In December 2002, a Shin Bet report indicated that numerous UNRWA
facilities in the West Bank and Gaza had been used by Palestinian
terrorists as meeting places and for weapons storage.
In August
2002, Nidal Abd al-Fattah
Abdallah Nazzal, a Hamas member and ambulance driver employed by UNRWA,
confessed to transporting weapons and explosives in an UNRWA ambulance,
and that he had taken advantage of the freedom of movement he enjoyed to
transmit messages among Hamas members in various Palestinian towns.
At around the same time, Nahed Rashid Ahmed
Attallah, UNRWA's Director of Food Supplies for Gaza admitted using UN
vehicles on multiple occasions to transport arms, explosives, and
terrorists to carry out attacks against Israeli soldiers, while
in February 2002, Alaa Muhammad Ali Hassan, a Fatah Tanzim member,
confessed that he had carried out a sniper shooting from the school run
by UNRWA in the al-Ayn refugee camp near Nablus. He also told Israeli
authorities that bombs intended for terrorist attacks were being
manufactured inside the UNRWA school's facilities.
UNRWA has been in the
business of cultivating new terrorists for years. In 2000, The
New York Times exposed that UNRWA had allowed terrorist groups to
use their schools as "summer camps" so that 25,000 Palestinian children
could receive paramilitary training, including instructions on how to
prepare Molotov cocktails and roadside bombs, and
Said Siyam (who was killed in the recent Gaza
War), Hamas' former interior minister and head of its Executive Force,
had been a teacher for over two decades in UNRWA schools.
Given this
almost symbiotic relationship between UNRWA and Hamas, it should come as
no surprise that textbooks obtained from UNRWA schools have glorified
suicide bombers as "martyrs.” According to Jonathan Halevi, a former
Israeli Defense Forces intelligence officer who specializes in
Palestinian terrorist organizations, over 60% of suicide bombers have
been educated in UNRWA schools including such notable graduates as
Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh, and Abd al-Aziz Rantisi, the former
Hamas chief who attended the UNRWA secondary school in Khan Younis. “In
the UNRWA union elections, held on June 14, 2006”, he writes, “Hamas won
an exceptional victory, taking all 11 seats allotted to representative
of UNRWA teachers, all nine seats allotted for the service sector
(doctors, nurses, pharmacists and engineers), and three of the seven
seats allotted to other workers. Following the military takeover during
which Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip in June 2007, reports were
received, including from Palestinian human rights organizations, that
armed Hamas forces had taken over UNRWA institutions in the Gaza Strip,
and had even lodged operatives belonging to its military-terrorist wing,
the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, in some of them.”
UNRWA's interests in Gaza are so deeply intertwined with terrorism and
so aligned with Hamas' interests that it is often difficult to tell them
apart.
To any impartial observer, it would not be a stretch to conclude that
Hamas’s use of UNRWA schools, ambulances and other facilities has become
an integral part of its strategy. The problem, of course, is that the
international media is anything but impartial when it comes to Israel.
But what
should be of greater concern to the Western funders of UNRWA is the
overwhelming evidence that UNRWA has become a welfare haven for millions
of Palestinians. Thanks to the West’s largesse through UNRWA estimated
at over $400M per year, nearly the entire population of Gaza lives on
unlimited welfare payments that subsidize its population boom.
Between 1950 and 2007, Gaza’s population jumped from 240,000 to nearly
1.5 million – a population
supported almost entirely by international charitable donations provided
not just to the original Palestinians defined by the UN as “refugees”,
but to millions of their descendants. Victims may die, but aid
programs prove immortal.
By placing Gazans on perpetual welfare, UNRWA has insured that they will
remain “refugees” and a source of chaos for Israel and for themselves
for another sixty years. In a recent article in Wall Street Journal
Europe, Gunnar Heinsohn asserts that
the reason for Gaza’s enormous birth rate is that a large majority of
its
"refugee" clientele
does not have to provide for their children since most Gazans are
provided with
cash, goods, food, clothing, medical care, vaccinations, schooling, and
housing
through UNRWA while Muslim nations “generously” contribute military
hardware and weapons to Gaza’s idle, unemployed and radicalized youth.
Unrestrained by such necessities as having to earn a living to support
their families, Gazans have had plenty of time to dig tunnels, join
gangs, undertake arms smuggling, assemble missiles, and fire thousands
of them at Israeli cities, towns and kibbutzim.
While this gruesome activity may have slowed the Palestinians’ own
internecine gang slaughters, it has forced some 250,000 Israelis into
bomb shelters, and the current situation can only be expected to get
worse.
So long as
Gazans are idle and remain on the international dole, Gazan teenagers
will have no future other than war. For every young jihadist
killed, three others will take his place. Some 230,000 Gazan males
between the ages of 15 to 29 who are available for battle now, will be
succeeded by 360,000 more under the age of 15 (or 45% of all Gazan
males) who will be training as shahids over the next 15 years.
As Heinsohn
notes: “By generously supporting UNRWA’s budget, the Europeans (who
contribute 55% of that budget) and the Americans (who contribute
31%) assist a rate of population increase that is ten times higher
than in their own countries. Much is being said about Iran waging a
proxy war against Israel by supporting Hezbollah and Hamas. One may
argue that by fueling Gaza’s untenable population explosion, the West
itself is unintentionally financing a war by proxy against Israel.”
If we
seriously want to avoid endless war, the Palestinians of Gaza must be
told that they will have to start taking care of their own children
without UNRWA aid. Hopefully, this would force them to focus their
energies on building an economy and a Palestinian state instead of
waging permanent war against Israel and each other.