About Mark Silverberg Mark Silverberg is an attorney
with a Masters Degree in Political Science and International
Relations from the University of Manitoba, Canada. A former
member of the Canadian Justice Department and a past Director of
the Canadian Jewish Congress (Western Office) based in
Vancouver, he served as a Consultant to the Secretary General of
the Jewish Agency in Jerusalem during the first Palestinian
intifada. He is a member of Hadassah's National Academic
Advisory Board, a foreign policy analyst with the Ariel Center
for Policy Research (Israel) and the International Analyst
Network (U.S.), and has been interviewed on Israel National
Radio as an authority on American foreign policy in the Middle
East. His editorials and articles on Middle East affairs have
appeared in the Hebrew and English editions of the NATIV Journal
of the Ariel Center for Policy Research (Israel), American
Thinker, Israel Insider, the Conservative Voice, Israel Unity
Coalition, Midstream and Outpost magazines and Arutz Sheva
(Israel National News). He has lectured extensively on subjects
of counterterrorism, jihadism, homeland security issues and
intelligence matters and is a Featured Writer with the New Media
Journal
(Chicago) and a Contributing Editor for Family Security Matters.
He is the author of "The Quartermasters of Terror: Saudi Arabia
and the Global Islamic Jihad (Wyndham Hall Press, 2005).
"A man can fail many times, but
he isn't a failure until he begins to blame somebody else."
– J. Paul Getty (1892 - 1976) U.S. oil magnate
According to recent UN Arab Human Development Reports, written by an
independent group of leading Arab scholars and intellectuals, oil has
become a curse rather than a blessing for the Arab world. Unlike Japan,
Taiwan, Israel, Singapore and many other countries who recognized early
on that their scarce resources required them to turn their lack of
material resources into technological strengths in order to become
competitive in the world economy, the Arabs relied exclusively on the
great sea of oil beneath their deserts as a substitute for intellect,
creativity and entrepreneurship. It has now cost them their future and
saddled the world with a parasitic and pathologically suicidal movement
that has proven its capacity to destroy and its incapacity to create
anything of substance to human civilization.
While it can be argued that the borders of the Arab Middle East are
man-made deformities that must be redrawn to take into account the
tribal nature of Arab society rather than the strategic interests of the
French and the British who created them in the early 20th century,
border corrections alone cannot account for, nor will they resolve the
sorry state of affairs in the Arab world. While a redefinition of
borders would separate Shiites from Sunnis and Kurds from Baluchis, the
problems plaguing Arab society in the 21st century cannot be so easily
resolved. That is because Arab societies, for the most part, are
dysfunctional and have immersed themselves in a culture of denial. They
emphasize struggle, quash competition and reject alternate approaches or
ways of thinking. With few exceptions, Arab governments live in a state
of internal fear that avoids investigating their failures or acquainting
themselves with or opening their societies to the cultures of others. As
a result, their societies cannot hand down positive achievements to
future generations unless they overcome their secretiveness, their
isolation, and especially their compulsive need to blame others for
their own failings.
Several years ago, Abd Al-Munim Said, head of the Al-Ahram Research
Center in Egypt, wrote: "We thought that by the end of the 20th century,
the Arab mind would be open enough not to explain everything with a
'conspiracy theory'...The biggest problem with conspiracy theories is
that they keep us not only from the truth, but also from confronting our
faults and problems.
This way of thinking relates any given problem to external elements, and
thus does not [lead] to a rational policy to confront the problem."
Consequently, in Arab politics today, from Egypt to Tehran, opponents
are neither answered nor rebutted. They are discredited, imprisoned,
exiled or murdered and with each disaster, defeat, or tragedy, it is
always the Zionists, colonialists, or American imperialist conspiracies
that are to blame.
For all the oil revenues that have flowed into the wealthier Arab
countries, the overall state of the Arab world is appalling. It does not
produce one single manufactured product of sufficient quality to sell on
world markets. Arab productivity is the lowest in the world. Nowhere in
the Arab world is there a single world-class university. The once-great
tradition of Arab scientific achievement that flowed from Andalusian
Spain has degenerated into a few research programs in the fields of
chemical and biological warfare. There is not one true democracy in the
Arab world. No Arab State genuinely respects human rights. No Arab state
hosts a responsible media. No Arab society fully respects the rights of
women or minorities, and no Arab government has ever accepted public
responsibility for its own shortcomings. Ralph Peters, writing in the
New York Post, is not far wrong in describing the Arab Middle East as
the world's first entirely parasitic culture because "it imitates
poorly, consumes voraciously, spits hatred, exports death, and creates
nothing”. Blame has become the opium of the Arabs, and the greatest
blame for their failures is that directed at the United States and, of
course, Israel. It is their power, not its uses, that enrages the Arabs
who are trapped in their own self-made weakness.
A central Bernard Lewis theme is that Muslims have felt downtrodden
since 1683, when the Ottomans failed for the second time to sack
Christian Vienna. For three hundred years, Prof. Lewis says, Muslims
have watched in horror and humiliation as the Christian civilizations of
Europe and North America have eclipsed them militarily, economically and
culturally. The Arab Muslim world prefers to blame others, to sleepwalk
through history as it were, and to cheer when tyrants and terrorists
avenge them. They knew that Saddam Hussein was a monster who had killed
more Arabs than Israel ever could. They knew he was the worst thing to
happen to the Arab world since the Mongols sacked Baghdad in 1258. But
they were (and continue to be) so discouraged that they needed to
inflate even "the butcher of Baghdad” into hero status. Lacking any
leader of world stature, they had no one else. So during the war, the
Palestinians cheered him on and celebrated his defiance of the American
war machine, but, in the end, he failed them as well.
While most Arabs understand America’s current dilemma in Iraq and fear
the expansion of Iranian Shiism and Ahmadinejad’s religious imperialist
ambitions, they are not eager to assist in stabilizing that country.
They prefer to see America leave humiliated even if it is at the expense
of the Iraqi people and the stability of the entire region. Above all,
they do not want to see America, a non-Muslim superpower, as the cause
for Iraq’s good fortune, especially when the Arab countries did nothing
to stop Saddam Hussein’s brutal regime. And because Arab societies
require a target for their anger and frustration, they are increasingly
drawn to radical Islam.
Since external conflict is the lifeblood of Arab dictatorships (be they
secular or theocratic), conflict in the Arab world is not seen as a
problem that requires a solution. The enemy of the Middle East is not
the West so much as modernism and the humiliation that accrues when
millions are nursed by fantasies, hypocrisies, and conspiracies to
explain away their own failures. Quite simply, any society whose
allegiance is to the tribe rather than to the nation, that does not
believe in democracy enough to institute it, shuns female intellectual
contributions, allows polygamy, insists on patriarchy, institutionalizes
religious persecution, ignores family planning, expects endemic
corruption, tolerates honor killings, sees no need to vote, and defines
knowledge as mastery of the Quran...is deeply pathological. Instead of
responding to demands for democracy, human rights, higher living
standards, less corruption and incompetence, reducing illiteracy or
improving education and educational standards, Arab rulers blame America
for their societies' ills and refocus popular anger against it. That
enables them to demand national unity and silence reformers in the face
of the supposed American "threat," and by seizing on anti-Americanism as
the excuse for Arab failure, they insure that their opponents cannot
blame them.
Hence Egypt and Saudi Arabia have willingly accepted American weaponry
and protection, yet they continue to promote anti-Americanism through
their governments' policies and their state-controlled media. Iran,
meanwhile, uses anti-Americanism to develop its own nuclear weapons
program and pushes for the withdrawal of U.S. forces from the Persian
Gulf to draw attention away from its own failings and human rights
abuses and to exert regional hegemony under a nuclear shield in the name
of Islam. Anti-Americanism is a convenient way for the Iranian mullahs
to de-legitimize domestic reformers by portraying them as agents of the
US. For Palestinian leaders (Hamas or Fatah, it matters not)
anti-Americanism has functioned as a cover for their own rejection of
compromise peace offers from Israel and as a way to mobilize Arab
backing. Having long ago chosen victimhood and martyrdom over
Palestinian statehood, they are content to blame their failures on
anyone but themselves. Hatred of Jews continues to pour out of
Palestinian Authority television, newspapers, and mosques. Israel is to
blame for every wrong that has beset Arab countries and the Holocaust is
either a lie or didn't go far enough.
In the end, casting the blame for their own misfortunes on the West will
not save them from the rising tide of radical Islam in their midst. That
is because the histories of these countries are so intertwined and their
socio-economic problems so interrelated and severe that none of them
will be able to escape the consequences of those failures. Today's Arab
world is bereft of all nationalist pride, lacking any solidarity or
self-confidence, more subject to foreign domination than at any time
since the Second World War, and at war with its own angry citizens. "The
painful truth," writes columnist Suleiman Al-Hatlan in the daily Al-Watan
in Saudi Arabia, "is that the acts of violence and barbarism occurring
at present are nothing but the natural consequence of generations of
Muslims having been misled and force-fed speeches (filled with)
hostility and hatred for others over the course of decades, which
deepened the backwardness and the ignorance in the Islamic world."
A dark, long winter has descended upon Arab civilization. Despite
hundreds of billions of dollars in income from oil and massive amounts
of Western humanitarian aid, the Arabs have yet to create one single
monument to human achievement. Rather, at different times, the Arabs
have pointed the finger of blame at colonialists, multinationals,
missionaries, communists, liberals, religious and/or ethnic minorities,
middle classes and even poor Orientalists. But the blame rests only in
themselves. To the best of my recollection, the Arab League has never
once convened an Arab summit to discuss the backward state of education
in the Arab world and therein lies the problem.
The sad truth is that the fantasies portrayed in Arabian Nights have
long since become an Arabian nightmare in large measure because (as
Victor Davis Hanson writes): "The Arab world has no real consensual
governments; statism and tribalism hamper market economics and ensure
stagnation. Sexual apartheid, Islamic fundamentalism, the absence of an
independent judiciary, and a censored press all do their part to ensure
endemic poverty, rampant corruption and rising resentment among an
exploding population. Siesta for millions is a time not for napping
between office hours, but for weaving conspiracy theories over
backgammon"...so, by any standard that matters in the modern world -
economic development, job creation, literacy, education, scientific
achievement, political freedom and respect for human rights - what was
once mighty Andalusia has indeed fallen, and there is no mistaking the
growing anguish, the mounting urgency, and seething anger that has
resulted.
For the Arab world,
the status quo is no longer sustainable and time is not on its side. The
Salafi jihadists are gaining strength in Egypt, Syria, Iran, Jordan,
Lebanon and in the Palestinian territories and warn that an apocalyptic
Armageddon between the Muslim world and the West is approaching. Whether
moderate Muslim intellectuals and Western-educated Muslim technocrats
will be able to bring on an Islamic Renaissance before rising radical
Islam draws us all into a nuclear confrontation remains to be seen.
Their success in doing so is by no means assured.