Despite thousands of missiles being fired at Israeli cities, towns
and villages, the European Union recently condemned Israel's
"disproportionate use of force" and issued a communiqué urging Israel to
"refrain from all activities that endanger civilians" in Gaza on the
grounds that "such activities are contrary to international law.”
Earlier,
Human Rights Watch issued a similar statement to the effect that
civilians acting as human shields do not pose a direct threat to
opposing forces and therefore retain their immunity from attack because
they are not directly engaged in hostilities against an adversary.
(Human Rights Watch, Backgrounder,
International Humanitarian Law Issues in a Potential War in Iraq,
accessed 20 February 2003).
By this standard,
even a targeted killing
or an attempt to arrest a terrorist "endangers” civilians.
Translated into lay terms, these statements
suggest that it is a violation of international humanitarian law (and
conceivably a war crime as well) for Israel to attack any of Hamas’s
terrorist infrastructures or leaders when those infrastructures and/or
leaders are being protected by human shields. If that is so, we have
handed our enemies a valuable weapon in their war against us*.
That is because no major war has ever been fought without significantly
endangering civilians or even without killing civilians.
What is at stake here are the very rules of war that underpin our
entire international order – the most important rule of which is the
distinction between combatants and non-combatants. (Moshe Yaalon, The
Rules of War, Washington Post, August 3, 2006, A27)
If the EU interpretation of the Geneva Convention is correct (and I
suggest it is not), our enemies have been given an enormous tactical
advantage that rewards them for reprehensible behavior. While Israel and
the US endanger themselves to protect civilians in time of war and mourn
their deaths when they become victims, our enemies place civilians in
harms’ way to protect themselves. Terrorists are fanatics, but they are
not fools. If the tactic of using human shields assists them in
achieving their military objectives (by forcing us to refrain from
attacking them) and their actions are not condemned, they will utilize
them. Lacking our respect for human life and often celebrating their
deaths (as the Salafists are prone to do), they perceive our sense of
morality and humanity as a tactical advantage.
If the military assets of our enemies are deemed invulnerable
because they are protected by human shields, we are presented with a
Hobbsian choice. By failing to respond to a terror attack or by failing
to destroy a significant terrorist asset (human or otherwise), we
endanger our own war objectives and, in the end, our own citizenry. Yet,
by responding, we run the risk of killing civilians, reaping world
condemnation, and inviting diplomatic pressure to end military
operations before having achieved our military objectives (as happened
in the Second Lebanon War).
Our enemies understand this. That’s why, in many regions of the
world, militias continue to use human shields as a viable military
tactic. They wage war using high-density residential areas as launching
pads for missiles and heavy-caliber weapons, build their headquarters in
densely populated areas, embed their terrorists in towns and villages,
deliberately place missiles in private homes and apartment buildings,
use children to retrieve used missile launchers knowing they will be
not be targeted by retaliatory strikes (or that their deaths will be
condemned by the Western media), construct additions to existing
civilian structures to house their missile launchers and place military
equipment in their schools, playgrounds, hospitals and even mosques.
Bosnian Serbs used human shields against Muslim and Croat forces to
immunize themselves from indirect and direct fire. Cambodian government
forces used ethnic Vietnamese civilians as human shields as they
advanced on Vietnamese positions. Throughout the civil war in Sierra
Leone during the 1990s, members of the Revolutionary United Front
routinely abducted children and used them as human shields against
government forces. Chechen rebels used ethnic Russian civilians as human
shields during the brutal war in Chechnya.
In 1993, the United States attempted to apprehend warlord Mohamed
Farrah Aidid in Somalia in order to restore order to the country. Somali
gunmen (interspersed among the crowd) engaged US forces by stepping out
of large crowds of civilians, firing, then retreating into the crowd
using their own people as human shields. (Daniel
P. Schoenekase,
Targeting decisions regarding human shields,
Military Review,
Sept-Oct, 2004)
They
also used hospitals and other civilian buildings as places from which to
direct fire at US forces.
During the Second Lebanon War in the summer of 2006, Hezbollah
prevented civilians from leaving their villages anticipating Israeli
military strikes; used their mosques to stockpile weapons and used
civilian residences as their bases of operations arguing all the while
that the use of human shields is a legitimate tactical strategy under
Islam - Geneva Conventions be damned. And in February 2008, Hamas in
Gaza used children as human shields to prevent Israeli air strikes
against the homes of its jihadist leaders, and used civilian
residential dwellings to hide the openings of tunnels used to smuggle
arms, missile launchers and weapons into Gaza.
If the EU interpretation of the Geneva Convention is correct, then
those who use human shields to mitigate US or Israeli military action
are given a great tactical advantage. In point of fact, these
Conventions were designed for warfare in an earlier era – at a time when
soldiers fought soldiers and tanks fought tanks; when there were clear
distinctions between combatants and non-combatants; when civilians wore
civilian clothing and the military wore uniforms, and when organized
military forces operated largely outside heavily populated areas.
The rules of war have now changed, but our laws do not appear to
have followed suit. Rather than protect non-combatants, terrorists
incorporate them into their tactical war strategy and, in the case of
Salafism, these "civilians” willingly sacrifice their lives in the name
of "martyrdom”. They use ambulances, humanitarian relief shipments,
pregnant women and even children as weapons of war. In the result,
post-World War II democracies find themselves handicapped in battling
post-modern enemies whose regard for human life is vastly different from
our own. The Conventions have thus worked against modern democracies and
now favor the strategy of terrorists for whom no distinction exists
between combatants and non-combatants.
As Alan Dershowitz wrote several years ago:
"The Geneva Conventions have become a sword used by terrorists to
kill civilians, rather than a shield to protect civilians from
terrorists...Terrorists who do not care about the laws of warfare,
target innocent non-combatants. Indeed, their goal is to maximize the
number of deaths and injuries among vulnerable civilians (for propaganda
purposes). The terrorist leaders - who do not wear military uniforms -
deliberately hide among non-combatants. They have also used ambulances,
women pretending to be sick or pregnant, and even children as carriers
of lethal explosives.”
(Alan Dershowitz, The Present International
rules of war enable and protect terror, Baltimore Sun, May 28, 2004)
Democracies must recognize that death or injury to "civilian" human
shields who voluntarily take up positions at the site of
legitimate military objectives, should not constitute "civilian
collateral damage” since they have assumed the risk of combat and have
compromised their non-combatant immunity. Moreover,
democracies
must be legally empowered to attack terrorists who hide among civilians,
so long as proportional force is employed. International law must place
the fault for their deaths with those who have chosen to use them as
human shields.
We must recognize that modern-day terrorists have forced us to
revise the tactics of war in the post-World War II era and well-meaning
human rights organizations, NGOs and especially the media must recognize
the inherent danger of playing into the hands of terrorists. If we want
to live in a world where civilians are never used as human shields, then
we must create laws whereby employing such measures result in the
unequivocal international condemnation of those who use them. Until our
laws (and attitudes) change on this subject, our enemies will continue
to use civilian human shields as they have come to understand the
enormous military dividends in so doing. Failing to recognize this new
reality will only serve to endanger civilians everywhere and place any
future war effort we undertake in peril.
* That
may not be entirely correct. Article 28 of the Fourth Geneva Convention
provides that..."The presence of a protected person (i.e.: a civilian)
may not be used to render certain...areas immune from military
operations." To this was added Article 51 of the 1977 amendment to the
1949 Geneva Convention that elaborated on the latter by adding: "The
presence...of the civilian population or individual civilians shall not
be used to render certain...areas immune from military operations, in
particular in attempts to shield military objects from attacks or to
shield, favor or impede military operations." Nevertheless,
international human rights organizations, for purely humanitarian
reasons, choose to overlook this provision.