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Greg C. Reeson
In Afghanistan, Obama Goes "All In”
April 1, 2009
The United States and its allies are in danger of losing the war in
Afghanistan. The level of violence has risen steadily over the past
seven years, the Taliban are in control of large portions of the
countryside, insurgent elements operate with near impunity from safe
havens in Pakistan, the Karzai government is corrupt and ineffective,
and many NATO member states are proving to be more of a hindrance than a
help due to national caveats that restrict the types of operations their
troops can participate in and declining public support that prevents the
dispatch of additional combat forces to fight Taliban and al Qaeda
militants.
It was with these realities in mind that the United States unveiled last
week its new strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan, a comprehensive
approach with a mission clearly stated by President Obama: "to disrupt,
dismantle and defeat al Qaeda in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and to
prevent their return to either country in the future.” By putting the
full weight of the U.S. government behind the new strategy, President
Obama has decided to go "all in” in an effort to turn this war around.
The real question, though, is whether the United States has the stomach
to see this fight through beyond an immediate push and through to a
successful conclusion.
The U.S. strategy has six main elements: an increase in aid to Pakistan,
a surge of military forces to Afghanistan, an accelerated training
program for Afghan security forces, a reconciliation plan for moderate
insurgents, an increase in civilian support to Afghanistan, and a
regional diplomatic push to get neighboring states to take more
responsibility for Afghanistan’s future.
The United States has been providing aid to the Pakistani government
since the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, and sadly has little to show
for the billions of dollars spent thus far. Future allocations of
American dollars will attempt to strengthen the Pakistani government and
increase its ability to fight Islamic insurgents by targeting the aid
more toward civilian institutions and less toward the Pakistani
military. Whether this will work or not remains to be seen, but given
the tremendous influence of the military in both government and societal
affairs, the odds are not in our favor.
The next three elements of the strategy are all borrowed from the war in
Iraq. Under President Bush a brigade combat team destined for Iraq was
diverted to Afghanistan to help counter increased attacks by Taliban
fighters. President Obama followed suit by ordering 21,000 more troops
to Afghanistan (12,000 combat, 5,000 support, and 4,000 trainers) during
2009. The "surge” strategy, implemented so effectively in Iraq during
2007, is now being employed in Afghanistan. President Obama has also
ordered an acceleration of the training of Afghan security forces in a
manner similar to the effort undertaken in Iraq after years of
neglecting the training of Iraqi army and police elements. Recognizing
that some Taliban and al Qaeda fighters are motivated by reasons other
than religious zeal, the new U.S. strategy calls for a reconciliation
program that gives additional options to moderate, low-level insurgents
motivated by money or other negotiable causes.
In sending more civilian experts from across the federal government to
Afghanistan, the U.S. strategy is seeking to improve Afghan governance
and support to the population. To be truly effective, though, these
civilians will need to venture out from the capital, Kabul, and into the
countryside. Counterinsurgency efforts are won or lost with the populace
and it will be critical for governance and aid projects to be visible to
the Afghan people. Finally, the new U.S. strategy calls for a strong
diplomatic push throughout the region. Finding common ground among
Afghanistan’s neighbors will be difficult, to be sure, given the
different national interests involved. Still, the effort must be made in
the hope that key regional players will recognize that stable and secure
governments in Afghanistan and Pakistan are a benefit to all.
The road ahead promises to be difficult and some elements of the new
U.S. strategy will be more successful than others. The key question on
everyone’s mind is whether the United States has the staying power
necessary to fully execute the strategy and ultimately, to secure
victory in Afghanistan. Will our resolve wane when casualties inevitably
rise as a result of taking the fight to the enemy with our beefed up
military presence? Will we tire when progress is slow and difficult to
come by? Will we rethink our strategy, and our effort, when this fight
drags on year after year after year?
The
answer to the question about our stomach for a prolonged and costly
Afghan fight is critical, but it is not yet clear. The message we send
to our allies, to the governments in Kabul and Islamabad, to Taliban and
al Qaeda fighters, and to the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan is one
that we had better get right. Any sign of weakness or wavering resolve
will be seized upon by friend and foe alike, emboldening our enemies to
wait out our departure, undermining support for government leaders in
Afghanistan and Pakistan, and providing an opportunity for already
skittish NATO member states to abandon what many consider to be a
sinking ship. The United States has gone "all in,” and it is critical,
now more than ever, that we follow up our new strategy with a sustained
and public demonstration of our commitment to winning this war. |