AmilImani
An Interview with Kourosh Zaim

June 14, 2008

The New Media Journal's Amil Imani had an opportunity to facilitate an interview with Kourosh Zaim, an Iranian political activist and a member of Iran National Front-Central Council:

 

NMJ: How long have you been advocating democratic reform in Iran?

 

Zaim: Well, I like to think I have been active since 1953, when I was close to the Iran National Front major personalities due to my grand uncle’s and my father’s close association with them and the democratic movement. During my college years in the United States and many years after that, I was among the most active and outspoken critics of the former regime in Iran. Upon my return to Iran in 1975, I was considered a dissident until 1979 when I rejoined the post revolution Iran National Front. Since then, I have continued to speak out as a dissident activist.

NMJ: What do you see as the main obstacles to democracy, back in the 1970s and now?

 

Zaim: Back in the 70’s, the American support of the Shah’s regime out of fear of communism, emboldened the Shah in his autocratic reign to put pressure on the democratic forces in Iran. He banned their activities and often jailed its leaders. As the result, religious forces, well-known for their opposition to communism, found open fields for propaganda, recruitment and organizing. Young energetic members of the democratic political organizations, who disliked inactivity, broke away and formed rebellious and armed socialist-Islamist militant groups behind the opportunist clergy. Thus, the Shah created his own enemies and so his own downfall; whereas, if he had allowed peaceful activity of democratic opposition, the impatient youth would have been guided by intelligent and farsighted leaders and would have never been attracted to the traditionally timid and opportunist clergy.

 

Now, the clerical regime of the Islamic Republic, after 30 years of theocratic rule, has proven its inability to reach but a very small and backward segment of the population. This regime, too, suppressed the democratic forces in the country and with much more brutality than its predecessor. However, the information explosion of the 90’s and the current communication revolution has made it helpless in keeping the democratic opposition voices from being heard. Furthermore, the ever-strengthening of the international organizations and pro-activeness of the international community in support of democracy and accountability has put the current regime on the defensive.  


NMJ: Do you see the United States as a model for democracy?


Zaim: No country is a utopian model for democracy except maybe for its own people. Democracy is always on the path of change toward improvement. A democratic system must be democratic for the people it governs. That’s why we see somewhat different interpretations of how democracy should be institutionalized in different cultures. I call freedom of choice with respect to the rights of others democracy.

NMJ: You have two sons in the U.S., is that correct?


Zaim: Yes. My two elder sons Turaj and Bijan are now in the United States. They were born in Iran, but were sent out of the country when they were 6 and 4, respectively.

NMJ: They escaped with their mother during the war with Iraq.  Why did you not go with them?  Did you know of their escape?


Zaim:
After the revolution, I was very active in opposition politics in the framework of the Iran National Front. I was appointed to a five-member committee for writing of the INF platform and another committee for writing of by-laws, a position I have been repeatedly elected to since then. In addition, my articles criticizing the current policies were published widely. I had also formed a think tank in the name of “Iran Center for Thought and Speech: for shaping the future of Iran” in which we planned to research and map out Iran’s future.

 

In addition, I had researched and written a book in 1980 called “Where Is the Soviet Empire Going?” in which I had analyzed facts about the Soviet system and predicted that it would disintegrate in about 10-12 years. I had also predicted independence of eastern European, Caucasian and Central Asian countries within two years hence. The book was first published in Mizan daily newspaper as a serial. Those years the Iran Communist Tudeh Party was very influential and had infiltrated all aspects of the Islamic Republic organizations. The paper Mizan was banned and revolutionary guards attacked its offices and set it on fire.  Later the book was published by a brave publisher who believed in me. Bookstores were attacked or threatened not to display or sell the book. The publisher had to turn 7,000 copies out of 10,000 it had printed into pulp. The Communist Party paper attacked me in a center spread. During all this time, Radio Moscow was continuously blasting against me, calling me a self professed theoretician who talked about the future of the Soviet Union without knowing anything about it and preventing friendly relationship between the two brother countries.  In response, I sent a message to Radio Moscow, which was published in one of the papers. In this message I told them that I am not afraid of their threats and will do whatever I can to protect the interests of my country. I told them that they didn’t have any talents but threatening and terrorizing, so they should go ahead and do what they’re good at and I will do what I am good at.

 

I had also written a long two-issue article in another paper warning the ignorant, politically illiterate and outdated clerical hierarchy of the communist infiltrators acting as their advisors and making decisions for them. The paper, “Edalat”, was later closed and its chief editor jailed. Another article that caused trouble was one for a very popular magazine Black and White. In that article I had explained my research about Ayatollah Khomeini’s thoughts and beliefs. I had claimed that, unlike what his current promises of democracy and non-involvement of the clergy government are, he is planning a theocracy based on total religious control of the society. The magazine was attacked and set on fire.

 

When Soviets attacked Afghanistan, not one dared to voice and sign a declaration of opposition except an Afghan resistance commander, one of the INF leaders, a representative of a high ayatollah and myself. Three months into the Afghanistan invasion, I wrote an article expressing the opinion that the Russians will be bogged down in Afghanistan for 12-13 years and be forced to leave in defeat just like the Americans did in Viet Nam. I also wrote another article criticizing Iran’s revolutionary policies and predicted that soon we will be bogged down in a protracted border war with Iraq. Nine months later, Iraq attacked Iran.

 

All this had made me very unpopular with the regime and its allies. I was threatened several times. Our bi-lingual school, best in Middle East, was raided by machine gun wielding RGs, confiscated and ransacked. Our home was often the site of RGs midnight shooting spree in the air. One night the shooting was so violent and prolonged that I took my wife and children to the boiler room, spread blankets and hid them behind the boiler until morning, although I myself returned to the bedroom and opened the curtains so they could see me lying down unconcerned. They also repeatedly threatened my family, arrested and detained my wife for a few hours and tried every which way to scare me even through threatening the children.

 

One day the incumbent head of Iran Central Bank called me and advised that I should hide for a while for there was plot to assassinate me. I told him that I don’t hide. He then asked me, at least, not to go to my office for a few months and offered his own home office in the basement of his sister’s house. I accepted and spent my office hours in his basement, but went home every night. After 2 or 3 months I got tired of seclusion and went back to my office. It took no more than two weeks before I was arrested in my office and taken to the infamous Evin prison. My experience in Evin prison is a story all by itself. Soon after, they also arrested both my younger brothers, one a Maoist group theoretician- leader and one a student activist. This was 1983 when some two dozen other INF activists were also in prison or being arrested. Evidently, I was supposed to be executed in prison; however, after the communist party fell out of favor with Ayatollah Khomeini and their leaders arrested, I survived and was released after some 4 or 5 months.

 

Before my imprisonment, when threats against me were becoming more frequent and obvious, some armed political groups offered assistance to protect me and/or to take my family to safety. One was the Armenian nationalists who promised protection of family and the transporting of them outside the country in case of my arrest or death. Soon after my arrest, my wife and two sons of 6 and 4 were zipped out of the country with the help our Kurdish fellow countrymen on horseback through and over the snowy mountains into Turkey. This must have been one the most dangerous trips and the most frightening experience my family had to endure.  In Turkey, they were received by the Turkish Ambassador who arranged for their flight to the United States.


NMJ: They have not visited you since then--do you believe it will be safe for them to visit soon, or is it a bad idea because of who their father is?


Zaim:
No, but I had the opportunity to visit them a few times in between periods when I was forbidden to leave the country. The last time I saw them, they were 12 and 10 years of age. Yes, I believe it will be safe now for them to visit Iran except that they might be under scrutiny. But, now, any inconvenience caused them will be so widely publicized that it would be counterproductive for the regime.


NMJ: Your eldest son is a poet or musician, and an activist of sorts.  Do you feel you imparted some of your ideals to him before he left?  What did you try to teach your children at that young age?

 

Zaim: Yes. My eldest is a highly talented poet and musician. He used to write poems when in grammar school that would boggle the mind. He has perfected a talent I tried when young, but didn’t go far with it. My second son is also a talented in theatre, writing plays and directing.

NMJ: What is your hope for Iran-U.S. relations and what do you think is the best path for the lion and the eagle?

Zaim: Normalization of relations between Iran and America is inevitable. We have suffered much for our mismanagement of foreign policy and must correct our course very soon. Over the past 30 years we have fallen behind the equivalent of a century or more. We cannot make up the loss, even running at top speed using all resources, sooner than a quarter century. And, for that we have to make friends with every country in the world.


NMJ: Do you have hope for new dialogue if Senator Obama is elected president of the U.S.?"


Zaim:  It doesn’t matter who the American president is as long as the Islamic Republic is running the country. If dialogue means support for the current system and for their longevity, I don’t believe it will happen. I hope things will begin to change course before the U.S. has a new president.

Amil Imani is an Iranian-born American citizen and pro-democracy activist residing in the United States of America. Imani is a columnist, literary translator, novelist and an essayist who has been writing and speaking out for the struggling people of his native land, Iran. He and his family escaped Iran after the radical Islamic revolution. He maintains a website at www.amilimani.com.

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